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The impact of dual-use aspects of high-resolution commercial observation satellites in the middle east
Prof. Gerald M. Steinberg
Director, Program on Conflict Resolution and Negotiation and BESA Centre
for Strategic Studies, Bar Ilan University Ramat Gan, Israel Tel:
+972-3-5318043, Fax: +972-3-5357931 gerald@vms.huji.ac.il
From 1960 to the early 1990s, military satellites, including
space-based communications, navigation, meteorology, early warning and, most
important, strategic intelligence were developed and deployed by the two
superpowers. Indeed, the dedicated military reconnaissance satellite systems,
operated by the US and the Soviet Union from the early 1960s, constituted the
most important technological development since thermonuclear weapons (with the
possible exception of MIRVs). Early US satellite programmes, code named Corona,
Samos, and Discoverer, were developed in response to perceived Soviet threats,
following the testing of an intercontinental ballistic missile and the launch of
Sputnik in 1957.2
During the 1950s, the US used high-altitude
reconnaissance aircraft such as the U-2 to obtain information on the Soviet
Union, Eastern Europe and China, but these aircraft were limited and, as was
demonstrated dramatically in 1960, vulnerable to ground-based anti-aircraft
missiles. Satellites in orbit were, in practice, invulnerable to attack, and the
first successful Corona launch took place in August 1960. A combination of
technological limitations in the development of anti-satellite systems, as well
as tacit agreements between Washington and Moscow established the legitimacy of
overhead reconnaissance through the use of satellites. 3
By 1972, when
the Corona programme ended and was replaced by new technology, 94 satellites had
been launched successfully.4 The satellites took thousands of photographs from
orbit, after which retrorockets triggered the re-entry of the film capsule,
which was recovered either in mid-air, or on the surface of the ocean.5 US
reconnaissance satellites received hundreds of thousands of images, covering a
wide variety of strategic and tactical targets, including Soviet and Chinese
missile locations, the site of the detonation of the first Chinese atomic
weapon.6 The Soviet Union developed similar systems shortly after the US, and,
much later, the Chinese also produced reconnaissance satellites.
In the
past two decades, these systems have been augmented by infra-red and broad
spectrum imagery, space-based synthetic-aperture radar, and other technologies
to allow for all-weather, all-hours imaging. In addition, navigation satellites
allowed for increasing accuracy in a variety of platforms and kill-systems.
Satellites also became Non-intrusive Technical Means of verification
(NTM). During the Cold War, the first stages of confidence building and
information exchange between the US and USSR began tacitly and unilaterally
through the use of overhead satellites.7 In the 1972 SALT and ABM agreements,
the two sides formally agreed not to interfere with each other’s NTM.
Recently, satellite surveillance has been used increasingly in tactical
warfare and regional conflicts, such as in the 1991 Gulf War and in the Balkans.
Space-based imaging can provide targeting information in regional contexts, and
the data is also useful for post-attack damage assessments. Just as satellite
reconnaissance played a major role in the strategic balance during the Cold War,
the same technology can be applied in the post-Cold War era of regional
conflict.8
As analysis of the implications of these technical
developments, and the potentially unrestricted policy regarding high-resolution
commercial imaging satellites began, questions emerged. The issues include the
impacts of such systems on regional conflicts, access by terrorists and rogue
states. “With the increasing availability of civilian satellite imagery
services, …what were once supersecret capabilities limited to the superpowers
are becoming publicly accessible at affordable subscription rates.”9
Until the early 1990s, access to the images and to high-resolution
satellite surveillance technology has been restricted to the major powers (the
US, Russia, and China). Since then, France, India and Israel have acquired some
capabilities in this area, and other states have announced programmes to develop
this technology. In addition to the commercial sale of SPOT images, some photos
provided by Russian military reconnaissance satellites were made available for
purchase. In response to these developments,
The US government began to
declassify many of the hundreds of thousands of images returned by military
reconnaissance satellites, while at the same time, also loosening the
restrictions on commercial licensing of high-resolution satellites systems. A
number of U.S. firms, subsidised with contracts from the government, began to
develop ambitious programmes, and in 1999, the IKONOS I satellite, with a GSD of
1 metre, was successfully launched into orbit, and started to return images.
In theory, the increased availability of high-resolution commercial
space imaging services of the data that is transmitted can have positive as well
as negative consequences. For the enthusiasts, this development will contribute
not only economic but also political benefits, linked to transparency.
However, like many other technologies, these systems and the data are
inherently dual-use, with both civil and military applications. Henry Sokolski
includes satellites in a list of what he terms non-apocalyptic weapons and warns
of the consequences had satellites been used by Saddam Hussein in the Gulf
War.10 For the first time, many countries and non-governmental actors, in areas
such as the Middle East, North Asia, Central Europe, and South America will have
access to very detailed and almost real time images of neighboring states. Iran
and Iraq will be able to obtain information and photos of strategic sites in the
Persian Gulf, United States, Europe and Israel. A former CIA official notes,
“The issue is going to heat up the first time we get a real crunch between two
friends, like Pakistan and India.”11
The impacts, both stabilising and
destabilising, will depend on a number of technical factors, including the
resolution, the form in which the data is sold (original digital data, or
derivatives), the nature of the distribution system (direct real-time ground
links to receivers, or delayed transmission via filtering stations), available
software, and similar factors. However, as Ray Wilson, of the George Washington
University’s Space Policy Institute notes, “Iraq would be interested in
information about Saudi Arabia. Iran would like to see data about Israel. India
and Pakistan would like to have information about each other. If you were
concerned about troop buildup on your border, you could put in a standing order
for the satellite to take a picture every time it passed over.”12
Thus,
it is clear that the implications of the proliferation of this technological
capability, and the policy options for limiting the impact on security and
stability should be carefully considered before these capabilities are widely
available. In discussions and analysis of high-resolution commercial satellite
imaging, beyond the economic benefits, advocates frequently point to the
increased transparency provided by this technology. However, high-resolution
imaging satellites are dual-use technologies, and in making policies for the
commercialisation of this technology, the potential impacts must be examined and
understood.
The Impact on the Middle East13
In
the high-conflict environment of the Middle East, the potential advantages of
transparency are limited, and the negative impacts may be greater than the
benefits. With the legacy of overlapping conflict zones (Arab-Israeli, Persian
Gulf, Turkey-Syria, North Africa, etc.) and the resulting wars and terrorism,
this is a region characterised by a high level of instability.
In this
environment, the availability of timely information provided by high-resolution
satellite images such as IKONOS will be used extensively for military
intelligence. In the Middle East, efforts to negotiate arms control agreements
and various confidence-and-security-building measures (CSBMs) to increase
stability have not made significant progress. The meetings of the Multilateral
Working Group on Arms Control and Regional Security between 1992-1994 ended in
an impasse following Egyptian demands that Israel relinquish its deterrent
capability. In the Middle East, the United Nations Arms Registry has made little
headway, with most states either ignoring this voluntary measure towards
transparency in conventional weapons, or only providing information that has
been made available from other sources. Thus, for the foreseeable future, the
use of satellites for verification of formal regional arms control agreements is
likely to be limited.
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