Abstract
The aim of this paper is to describe the variations that exist in the Melanau language as spoken by Melanau speakers in Sarawak, Malaysia by mapping them according to the districts or locations of Melanau speakers. The Melanau language family is one of the main indigenous languages spoken in Sarawak, after Dayak and Iban. A global positioning system (GPS) is used to capture the coordinate of the sample locations and respondents in the study area. Apart from the spatial data, data from the questionnaire will be used to present the spatial pattern of language variations by using ArcView GIS. It will begin with an observation and identification of linguistic features by employing the 100 word lists by Morris Swadesh. This wordlist will be given to the selected Melanau speakers. Five locations have been identified through stratified sampling: Daro-Matu (from North Channel of Rejang River to the sea), Kanowit (middle Rejang River), Melanau (coastal area of Rejang delta up to the Balingian River), Tanjong (Rejang River above Kanowit area) and Sibu (Rejang River).

Introduction
Geolinguistic diffusion is the process by which linguistic changes spread geographically from one dialect or language to another (Charles Boberg, 2000). It places linguistic phenomena in spatial context to analyse the possible relationships between language and the geocultural environment. Geolinguistics represents a renewed engagement between linguistics and geography that builds upon the empirical work of many variationists from all over the world, beginning with the publication of the seminal paper by Weinrich, Labov and Herzog 35 years ago. Both geography and sociolinguistics have changed, methodologically and theoretically, since those early days. Engaging in geography means moving from the sociolinguistic description of a single speech community to a comparative sociolinguistics of a number of speech communities.

Sociolinguists particularly in the West have studied language variation from many perspectives (for example, Milroy, 1992 for social class; Bell, 1984 for style and Eckert 2001 for age). However, space is one of the social categories that has received the least attention. Britain (2002) asserts that space makes a difference and to map out what a geographically informed variation analysis might need to address. He goes on to say that there are remarkable parallels between the recent history of human geographic thought and the ongoing interest in language variation across space. Although space has been undertheorized in variation studies, a number of researchers, from the traditional dialectologists through to those interested in the dialectology of mobility and contact have been actively engaged in research on geographical variation and language use.

Previous Research on the Melanau and their language

The study of linguistic geography started in Europe around the middle 19th Century, where much of the research had been based on 'looking at the "differences in pronunciation, vocabulary, word meanings and other languages characteristics (which) tend to accumulate with distance from a given starting point. When they are mapped, they help define the linguistic geography of a generalised speech community" (Fellman, Getis and Getis, 2001). While, the traditional geolinguistic studies concentrated on describing the distribution of linguistic phenomena and the mapping of language/dialect boundaries, the modern approaches on the other hand strives to explain how and why the linguistic features diffuse in the way that they do. However, together, both approaches can contribute to the accumulation of knowledge, linguistically and geographically, on the distribution of languages.

There are quite a number of studies available on the languages of Sarawak, most, if not all, look at the linguistic phenomena of a selected languages (Asmah Hj. Omar, 1992; Chou, 1999 and Noriah Mohamed, 2001). Other studies have also attempted to document the distribution of the different languages of the state, notably by Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) but none of them have attempted to map the distribution with explanations as to how and why the variations diffuse the way that they do. This paper is therefore different from a number of studies that have been carried out by both local and foreign linguists on the languages of Sarawak in the sense that it tries to define a criteria with which language variations can be explicated and thus accordingly mapped.

Melanau language belongs to the Malayo-Polenesian or Austronesian languages (Zaini Ozea, 1989). Linguistically, among the coastal Melanau, there are three main dialects which seem to exist. These dialects which demonstrate some phonetic variations. Melanau has undergone some phonological changes. For example, in Rajang dialect, voiced plosives in word final positions /b, d, g/ are fading out and are now replaced by voiceless counterparts /p, t, k/ as the number of older speakers tapering off. However, in Matu, Mukah, Bintulu and balingan, the voiced plosives word final are still heard (Zaini Ozea, 1989).

In addition, contact with Malay language has resulted in the borrowing of many Malay words. e.g number one is expressed as 'nomor satu' instead of 'nomor jah or jieh' in Melanau. Another exaple is 'makan angin' (take a break) is expressed as 'makan angin' instead of 'keman pangai'. The Melanau are basically hierarchically organised, having closely related social structures. They are greatly influenced by a system of rank categories called adat bangsa. In other words, the Melanau are calssified into bangsa (literally race). According to Yasir Abdul Rahman (1987), the term bangsa is to stress the position's differences and not to identify races.

Traditionally, the Melanau live in longhouses whereby a group may consist up to theree longhouses. The boundries of each village are usually marked by river tributries or any other natural landmarks. These boundries may include an area called likou (dwelling-place), uma and gunn (gardens and corps).

The present day Melanau are increasingly facing social cultural changes. Modernization is one of the major factors that has accelerated the change of social relationship of Melanau. Education has resulted in rural-urban migration, contact with other ethnic groups and consequently inter-ethnic marriages. The assimilation of Melanau into Malay group is another. With these changes going on, there seem to be a need for the maintenance of Melanau ethnic identity before it is further fragmented and marginalised.

The Melanau language family is chosen because it is one of the main languages spoken in Sarawak after Dayak and Iban. Most of the studies done on Melanau focus on the social and cultural background of the group as a whole. Although, there is a handful of studies could be found on the linguistic aspects of one or two dialects of Melanau in terms of phonology and vocabulary, none has yet been done on the isoglosses/distribution of the different members of the Melanau language (i.e. Mukah-Oya, Balingian, Briut, Dalat, Igan, Sarikei, Segahan, Prehan, Segalang, Seru and Siteng). The Rejang-Baram Rivers are chosen because most of the speakers of the Melanau language family concentrate at the coastal areas from Daro-Matu to Mukah.

The Melanau commonly inhibit the coastal areas of Sarawak especially along the banks of the main rivers. They are mostly farmers, fishermen, sago producers and traders (Yasir Abdul Rahman, 1987). Melanau language belongs to the Malayo-Polenesian or Austronesian languages (Zaini Ozea, 1989). Linguistically, among the coastal Melanau, there are three main dialects which seem to exist. These dialects which demonstrate some phonetic variations.

Study Area

Most of the settlement of the speakers of Melanau language family are concentrated at the Rejang Baram Rivers and coastal areas from Daro-Matu to Sibu. The study area is located on the coastal plain of the Sixth (Sarikei) and Ninth (Mukah) Division of Sarawak There is nine sub-districts selected in the study areas, namely - Belawai, Dalat, Daro, Igan, Jerijeh, Matu, Mukah, Oya and Rajang. Belawai, Jerijeh and Rajang are located in the western part of the study areas, Mukah, Dalat and Oya in the western part, while Daro, Matu and Igan on the Northeastern part. From the selected sub-districts, 35 villages are chosen (Figure 1).



Figure 1 : The study area

Methodology
Both the traditional and modern approaches of geolinguistics using quantitative and qualitative instrument to analyse the gathered data. The collection of data done through questionnaires which distributed to the selected respondents. The purpose of quantitative is to determine the distribution processes of the languages/dialects. It begin with an observation and identification of linguistic features by employing the 100 word lists by Morris Swadesh. There are 318 respondents altogether. Basically the selection from each village depends on the number of population in the village. For an average size with around 250 households, usually about 18 respondents are taken, of whom 9 are male and 9 are female and from whom 6 are consisted from each category age groups - the young, less than 30 years; middle age, 30 to 49 years and; 50 years and above. Gender and age are chosen as the quota factors in relation to the hypothesis of the study that assume a variation of sociolinguistic differences between linguistic variations and these two factors. However in this paper only discuss the result of lexical variation according to age.

The data collected via the questionnaires are keyed in into the Statistical Package for Social Studies (SPSS) software. The main test run is mainly frequency test, which mainly look at the pattern of distribution, mode and mean of each variable as well as cross-tabulations of variables. A global positioning system (GPS) is used to capture the coordinate of the sample locations and respondents in the study area. Apart from the spatial data, data from the questionnaire will be used to present the spatial pattern of language variations by using ArcView GIS.

The Lexical Variation

In most of the Melanau households, the female members (30 years and above) are mostly housewives and thus have spent most of their times at home tending to the chores while the husbands are away working as farmers or fishermen or working outside of their villages for a long period of time. As indicated in the previous section, it is very seldom to find any of the female respondents and also those who have reached 50 and above (also applies to some male respondents) to have worked away from home like most of the younger male respondents. This means that the female counterparts, especially those who belong to the age group between 50 and above would have had less chance of meeting or communicating with people of other languages. Although there are a small number of Chinese and Malay immigrants in most of the Melanau villages, the medium of communication between these people and the villagers is still the Melanau language. This further prevents the assimilation of 'foreign' language(s) into the Melanau language. Therefore, it's not surprising to find and even safe to say that most of the words provided by the female and the older generation respondents in the study belong to the 'original' Melanau language (native language).

The opposite can be observed with the younger generation respondents (40 and below) who are or have been either attending the public schools or working as contract workers outside of the villagers. These groups of respondents would sometimes find it difficult to provide their native lexical varieties for certain words because they have frequently used other words, in this case Malay, to refer to the same things in schools or their workplaces.

Figure 2, Figure 3 and Figure 4 shows that the use of Malay words (bumbung and atap) to refer to the roof a house was mostly adopted by the respondents by age in the study area. Figure 2 shows that the respondents from the 30 years and below age group use the 3 varieties of lexical item, that is 'sapau', 'bumbung' and especially 'atap'. Figure 2 also shows that some of the Melanau younger generation already adopted by the Malay word especially the village from Mukah and Rajang area. Education and access to telecommunication is among the factors that vary the phonological aspects of the language spoken by the individuals (Table 1).



Figure 2 : Varition of 'atap' as use by the majority of respondents according to
age [30 years and below] and village.

The Figure 3 shows that majority of the respondents from the 30 to 49 years age group use 'sapau' to refer to 'atap' or the roof a house. Only the respondents from Rajang village use 'atap', the original Malay word to refer to the roof a house. The Figure 4 shows that a big number of the respondents from the 50 years and above age group use the 2 varieties of lexical item, especially 'sapau'. It can be deduced here that the word 'sapau' and also 'chapau' is an original variety of the word 'atap' in Malanau.

Most research agreed that socio-economic background influence the variations in lexical and phonological aspects of the speakers of most language (see Austin, Honey and Eagle 1987; Fellman, Getis and Getis 2001; Pulsipher and Pulsipher 2002). Migration, education and access to telecommunication were among the factors that may vary the phonological aspects of the language spoken by the individuals.





Figure 3 : Varition of 'atap' as use by the majority of respondents according to
age [30 to 49 years] and village.





Figure 4 : Varition of 'atap' as use by the majority of respondents according to
age [50 years and above] and village.

A prolonged migration to a non-native speaking areas may influenced the competency of speaking the language. Many of our respondents agreed to this and this will be discussed later. While recording the Melanau words translated by our respondents, we discovered that many our younger respondents borrowed Malay words in translating our word list. Table 1 shows some variations used by eleven different respondents of different gender and age.

Table 1 shows that Yati, a secondary school teenager and Rina, a college student spontaneously mixed or borrowed many Malay words while speaking Melanau. Rina claimed that being a student in Sibu for three years and mixed around with non-Melanau speakers has made her forget some of the Melanau words. She tends to use Malay vocabulary while speaking Melanau. Her explanation was similar to that of Saari, a school teacher aged 20, who claimed that his migration to Sibu town for six years when he was completing his secondary education, and his interaction with non-Melanau speakers there, have made him forget many of his Melanau vocabulary. However Lina, aged 20, maintained her Melanau vocabulary better than Saari and Rina because she has never migrated out of her village. Finished schooling at Form Five level, Lina completed her secondary education in Belawai secondary school nearby her village. This is similar to Halim, 23 who has also maintained his Melanau vocabulary and has never migrated out of the village



Table 1 : Variations in lexical and phonological aspects of the Melanau speakers of
different gender and age







*Pseudo-names were given to every respondent in order to protect their anonymity. The respondents chosen for this example were those from Belawai, Rajang and Jerijeh settlements only.

As Table 1 has shown, older women and men maintained their Melanau vocabulary better than their younger counterparts. However, we traced that during the interview, adult males who spend most of their time working outside the village and have migrated before, have to certain extent lose some of the Melanau vocabulary. On this matter, businessman Mr. Rebi, 55 admitted that he spent many years outside the village when he was a teacher. As a result he feels more comfortable to speak Malay than Melanau.

Mdm Pauzia, 48, who operated a sundry shop in her village, is a fluent Melanau speaker when compared to the other two businessmen. She however has never been out of her village to live somewhere else before. This findings is similar to what has been suggested by Fellman, Getis and Getis (2001) in that female speakers use forms considered to be 'better' or 'more correct' than males of the same social class. Female tend to be 'more conservative' and 'less innovative' in the words and phrases they employ.

Conclusion
The variations in lexical and phonological aspects of the language spoken by Melanau speakers living along Rajang-Baram rivers was influenced by the socio-economic background of the speakers. As we have discussed above, migration, education and access to telecommunication were among the factors that may vary the phonological aspects of the language spoken by the individuals. The effect of migration and education are evident because the people need to migrate to the towns and cities to seek for higher education. The prolonged stay in non-native speaking area seems to affect people's fluency in speaking their native language. The official language introduced by the State, in this case the Malay language, is important in influencing the language of the school children, whom in the long run may forget their native language.

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